Author: Mustafa Akyol
When Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu visited
Yerevan on Dec. 12, in the first high-level visit from Turkey to Armenia in
five years, he was greeted not only by his Armenian counterpart, Eduard
Nalbandyan, but also by political activists. The latter’s welcome, however, was
not a warm one. A group of protesters gathered in front of Davutoglu’s hotel to
protest Turkey’s “denial of the Armenian genocide.”They wanted “recognition,
condemnation and reparations,”and opposed the Turkish foreign minister for not
taking those steps.
Perhaps this was a bit unfair to Davutoglu, though, who
said on this trip something that no other Turkish statesman has openly said
before: that the “deportation”of Armenians from Anatolia in 1915 was
“inhumane.”(In Turkey, “deportation”is the official and the common term for
what others call “Armenian genocide.’) No wonder Turkey’s nationalists criticized
Davutoglu for taking such an “unpatriotic”step. Writing in Yeni ÇaÄŸ, a
hardcore nationalist daily, columnist Ahmet Atakan argued that Davutoglu acted
“as if he is not as the Turkish foreign minister, but a negotiator between the
two sides [Turks and Armenians].”More important, the deputy chair of the main
opposition CHP (People’s Republican Party), Faruk Logoglu, criticized Davutoglu
on Twitter and wrote (with my translation from Turkish):
“FM Davutoglu said to the Armenian FM, ‘The deportation
of 1915 was inhumane.’ What was inhumane? What would he rather have been done?”
Logoglu’s reaction is significant because it represents
the mainstream view in Turkey about the tragic fate of Ottoman Armenians. Most
people here simply believe that it was a defensible act to protect the Turkish
homeland.
Here is why. A considerable portion of the people who
call themselves Turks today are in fact rooted not in modern-day Turkey, but in
two neighboring regions: the Balkans and the Caucasus. During the century-long
shrinking of the Ottoman Empire, millions of Muslims in these two regions faced
persecution and had to flee to Turkey proper. My own great-grandfather, for
example, was a Circassian (Çerkes) who first resisted the Russian occupation of
the Northwest Caucasus around the 1860s and then had to migrate to Yozgat,
Anatolia, during the ethnic cleansing of Circassians. It is estimated that,
during that long process of Russian onslaught in the Caucasus, some 1.5 million
Circassian men, women and children were killed, and more than 1 million others
were expelled to Turkey. Hence comes the saying, "If you scratch a Turk,
you find a Circassian persecuted by Russians underneath.’
A similar story took place in the Balkans as well. As the
Ottoman Empire shrank and new nation-states emerged in former Ottoman
territories “such as Serbia, Greece or Bulgaria” Turks and other Muslims in
these countries faced various waves of persecution and mass murder, resulting
in millions of refugees. That is why there are millions of Balkan immigrants in
modern-day Turkey — people whose origin is Bosniak, Albanian, Pomak or Balkan
Turk. In his book, Death and Exile: The Ethnic Cleansing of Ottoman Muslims,
1821-1922, American historian Justin McCarthy calculates that some 5 million
Ottoman Muslims perished in a century due to ethnic cleansing by their enemies,
most of whom were either Russians or the Eastern Orthodox allies of the
Russians.
This is the background that most Turks have in mind when
they think of what happened to Ottoman Armenians. Of course, Armenians, who
lived in Anatolia side by side with Turks for centuries, were not responsible
for the tragic fate of the Muslims in the Balkans or the Caucasus. But in the
early 20th century, Armenian nationalists in alliance with imperialist Russia
aimed at carving out an independent Armenia from the collapsing Ottoman Empire.
Had they succeeded, they could have initiated an ethnic cleansing against the
Muslims similar to what happened in the Balkans and the Caucasus. This was the
logic of the Ottoman Young Turk wartime government which, in the spring of
1915, made the tragic decision to deport all Armenians from Anatolia to Syria
in response to the Armenian Uprising that began earlier that year. In was, in
the minds of the Young Turks, a pre-emptive ethnic cleansing.
To be sure, none of this justifies the death of even one
of the approximately 1 million Armenians who perished in that fateful year of
1915. This was, as Davutoglu put it, an “inhumane”act. And it remains a stain
on Turkish history that I, as a fellow Turk, believe that we Turks should
apologize for. However, it did not take place in a vacuum. Nor it did come out
of a hateful ideology like that of the Nazis against the Jews. It rather came
out of a horrible historical context which pitted the peoples of a crumbling
empire against each other and in which Turks suffered at least as much pain as
they caused.
Therefore, reconciliation between Turks and Armenians
will be possible only when this painful episode in history is understood in a
way which takes the perspectives of both sides into account. Armenians, most
naturally, recall only the suffering of their grandfathers and demand respect
for it. Turks, on the other hand, recall the sufferings of their own
grandfathers and question why the ethnic cleansing of the Armenians is singled
out among many other tragedies in which they were the victims. Both sides need
to understand the perspectives, and the feelings, of the other side. Both
sides, in other words, need to know each other.
Read More:
http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2013/12/turks-armenians-reconciliation-davutoglu-yerevan-visit.html

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