Doğan Eşkinat
June 28, 2014 marked the 100-year anniversary of Archduke
Franz Ferdinand's assassination in Sarajevo. To commemorate the event, the
Washington Post put together a short list of things we inherited from the World
War I years: Daylight saving time, Meatless Monday, plastic surgery and Iraq –
the country that emerged out of the time period that marks the beginning of the
20th century. A look back to the years from 1914 to 1918 would also reveal that
most, if not all, pressing issues in contemporary Turkey are related to the
Great War. With the marking of the first global war's centennial in Istanbul,
the Ottoman Empire's then-capital, one realizes that what the nation strives to
accomplish today is to close a century-long chapter of denial, forced
assimilation and inequality.
The Great War, which continued until November 1918, paved
the way for the downfall of the Ottoman dynasty along with several of its
contemporaries. As the empire slowly disintegrated, the authorities adopted
extraordinary measures to initiate a process of, to borrow from Joseph
Schumpeter, creative destruction to establish a new nation. In 1915, the
wartime government forcibly relocated hundreds of thousands of Ottoman
Armenians, once known as the loyal nation or millet-i sadıka, to pave the way
for a great tragedy. Although the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP), which
orchestrated one of the most shameful acts in Turkish history, could not
survive World War I, the organization's legacy formed the ideological basis of
the Turkish nationalist movement that proceeded to establish the Republic of
Turkey in the early 1920s. The CUP's commitment to the principle of centralized
government, in particular, had an immense influence on the new elites who, once
in power, turned away from various ethnic groups including the Kurds with whom
they had previously joined forces to oppose Western colonialism. They
subsequently embarked on a violent campaign to impose Turkish identity upon
them. The indoctrination was so effective that the question of whether or not
the Kurds were a genuine ethnic group or merely "mountain Turks"
remained a hotly-debated question up until the 2000s.
It was around the same time that Turkish society began to
reflect on the legacy of the Ottoman Empire's final decade and engage in an
open conversation about the grievances that building the modern Republic
required over the years. First and foremost, the dialogue on Turkey's darkest
taboos owed to the nation's ever-stronger interaction with the outside world in
the post-Cold War years. With trade liberalization and comprehensive
improvements in communication technologies, the Turkish street became exposed
to competing narratives about many issues including that of the Ottoman
Armenians, which radically differed from the Republic's official history. From
the late 1990s onward, the rise of anti-establishment political parties with
Islamist or Kurdish nationalist agendas both reflected and bolstered the ongoing
conversation about the Republican legacy. Over the past decade, the two
movements have transformed mainstream politics to lead the charge against the
old ways from within the political system. The Justice and Development Party
(AK Party) government's attempts to address the suffering of Ottoman Armenians
as well as the Kurdish population of Dersim, where Republicans killed thousands
in order to crack down on local rebels in 1937-1938, reflected this commitment.
Similarly, the authorities have implemented reforms to acknowledge the
long-denied cultural rights of millions of Kurds, among other groups, to
undermine the Turkish state's historical denial.
A century after Franz Ferdinand's death, Turkey seeks to
come to terms with a dark chapter of its modern history and negotiate a new set
of ground rules to facilitate and celebrate diversity. Meanwhile, the efforts
of anti-establishment parties to challenge the old ways understandably triggers
objections from social groups whose sense of national identity heavily depends
on the Republican ethos that all citizens constitute a homogeneous whole. The
already intense public debate around the Republican legacy, to some extent,
informs discussions about the upcoming presidential election and will become
even more relevant next year with the Armenian diaspora organizing year-round
commemorative events to mark the centennial of "Red Sunday" – April
24, 1915, when the Ottoman authorities arrested 250 Armenian intellectuals and
forced them to relocate.
http://www.dailysabah.com/columns/dogan-eskinat/2014/06/30/marking-the-world-war-i-centennial-in-turkey-where-denial-slowly-gives-way-to-dialog
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