Author Pinar TremblayPosted
In early April, as renewed fighting between Azerbaijan
and Armenia over the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region made headlines in Turkey,
there was little talk of the crucial role of Israeli weapons in the clashes.
Only the daily Hurriyet reported on Azerbaijan's use of the Israeli Harop armed
drone, which generated Armenian protests… Justice and Development Party (AKP)
spokesperson Omer Celik summarized why the issue should be important to the
press: “Azerbaijan’s battle is our battle; their martyrs are our martyrs.”
Indeed, Azerbaijan consistently scores as Turkey's closest friend in Turkish
public opinion polls, while Israel maintains its status as a serious threat in
the same polls.
***
President Recep Tayyip Erdogan (L) and Azerbaijani
President Ilham Aliyev review the guard of honor during a welcoming ceremony at
the Presidential Palace in Ankara, Jan. 15, 2015. (photo by ADEM
ALTAN/AFP/Getty Images)
Turkey's Islamists, nationalists both silent on Israeli
weapons flow to Azerbaijan
In early April, as renewed fighting between Azerbaijan
and Armenia over the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region made headlines in Turkey,
there was little talk of the crucial role of Israeli weapons in the clashes.
Only the daily Hurriyet reported on Azerbaijan's use of the Israeli Harop armed
drone, which generated Armenian protests.
Summary⎙ Print Turkey’s Islamist and
ultra-nationalists are curbing their opposition — at least outwardly — to
Israel, which is supplying Azerbaijan with weapons to fight Armenia.
Justice and Development Party (AKP) spokesperson Omer
Celik summarized why the issue should be important to the press: “Azerbaijan’s
battle is our battle; their martyrs are our martyrs.” Indeed, Azerbaijan
consistently scores as Turkey's closest friend in Turkish public opinion polls,
while Israel maintains its status as a serious threat in the same polls.
Intriguingly, Israel is Azerbaijan’s main arms supplier,
a situation that poses a puzzle: Why have Turks remained silent as Azerbaijan,
their closest friend, and Israel, their greatest rival — if not necessarily
enemy — have grown closer? The silence of two sections of Turkish society is
particularly noteworthy: One is Turkish ultra-nationalists, whose commitment to
Azerbaijan is near-absolute; the other is Islamists, who miss no opportunity to
bash Israel. Why are these two groups, whose protests are rarely if ever
curtailed by the police in Turkey, ignoring this development?
The Israeli-Azeri cooperation has expanded as
Israeli-Turkish relations have soured since the 2010 Mavi Marmara incident.
Richard Giragosian, director of the Regional Studies Center (RSC), an
independent think tank in Yerevan, Armenia, told Al-Monitor, “Israel has
replaced Turkey as an essential military patron of Azerbaijan, as seen in the
2012 deal involving the Azerbaijani procurement of drones and anti-aircraft
missile defense systems from the state-run Israel Aerospace Industries for $1.6
billion.” Giragosian explained that the bilateral relations are not limited to
the weapons trade. The countries' interests converge in three main areas —
“security and military, including intelligence cooperation; energy and trade;
and geopolitical strategy,” he said.
So why are Turkish Islamists and ultra-nationalists
remaining silent as their rival Israel expands its presence in Azerbaijan?
There are at least two intertwined explanations for this rational ignorance:
the media’s silence and political pragmatism.
There is an undeclared media gag order in Turkey on
publishing, and not just on anti-AKP stories considered unpleasant for the
government. The Israeli-Azerbaijani relationship is diligently ignored in
mainstream media. Hence, several leading figures of grass-roots Islamist and
nationalist movements told Al-Monitor they are not aware of the extent of the
strategic friendship between Turkey’s best friend and its most outspoken rival
in the region. It was particularly noteworthy that none of the
ultra-nationalists and only one of the Islamists was willing to go on the
record with their views on the subject.
A middle-aged, self-described bozkurt (a nickname for a
member of the Gray Wolves, the Turkish ultra-nationalist group) who worked in
organizing youth told Al-Monitor, “Our youth are happy to see Azerbaijan
triumph. We all wish it was mostly Turkish-made weapons being used, but we are
not there yet. In the meantime, we cannot fuss about the identity of the manufacturer.”
Turkey sells arms to Azerbaijan as well.
When reminded of the increasing presence of Israeli
intelligence in Azerbaijan, as well as in the oil and gas trade, realpolitik
came to the fore. Approaching the question in a frivolous manner, the Gray Wolf
said, “Our [Turkish] relations are much better with Israel now, so are the
Azerbaijanis’. Who is going to call the kettle black? Times have changed.”
Times have changed indeed, as one of the last critical
pieces of news on the topic from the Turkish government dates back to a 2011
story on Hurriyet. Back then, Turkey had asked Azerbaijan to scale back its
relationship with Israel. So the age-old saying "If you can't beat 'em,
join 'em" has become the tacit motto of the Turkish government in the
Israeli-Azeri strategic friendship. Behind closed doors, the
Turkish-Israeli-Azeri bloc seems to be working fine on almost all fronts. For
the ultra-nationalists, a potential Azeri victory over Armenia overrides their
dislike of Israel.
Turkish Islamist groups are more conflicted about the
issue. Most of these groups cherish any negative news about Israel. Though
Israel bashing in Turkey has softened noticeably in the past year, one can
still spot at least a couple of anti-Israeli opinion pieces daily with a good dose
of anti-Semitism in the conservative media outlets. So it is difficult to
imagine these groups are warming up to the idea of being friends with Israel.
Indeed, a comparison of Kadir Has University’s Foreign
Policy Perceptions research findings of 2015 and 2016, released May 18, reveals
a significant indication of how the Turkish public justifies its silence and
acceptance of Israeli arms flooding Azeri markets. The percentage of those
Turks surveyed who view Azerbaijan as a friend has jumped from 37.2% in 2015 to
59.3% in 2016. There has been a significant decrease in the percentage of those
who see Israel as a threat: from 42.6% in 2015 to 26% in 2016.
Turkey's increased anti-US and anti-Russian reporting
this year has led to a significant shift in Turkish perceptions of the United
States and Russia. Survey respondents consider them the top two major threats,
at 44.1% and 34.9%, respectively. Foreign policy perceptions are known to be
highly susceptible to fluctuations in news reporting, as these Turkish findings
show. So a good portion of Turks have accepted Israel's apology for the Mavi
Marmara flotilla and replaced Israel on the threat perception scale with the
United States and Russia. Al-Monitor contacted Osman Atalay of the Humanitarian
Relief Fund in Turkey, which is known for its rallies against Israel, but he
declined comment.
Some Islamists, however, are willing to speak up. One
group is the independent Salafi ultra-conservative Islamic sect, which does not
associate with the established religious orders. Twelve individuals who
self-identified as Salafists told Al-Monitor it is not worth protesting against
Israel or Azerbaijan because both are infidels. One shopkeeper from Adiyaman
said, “What do you expect from the Shia? They are the infidels ... of course
they will collaborate with the Jews.” This was surprising to hear because most
critics of the Azeri government brand the country as a supporter of the Sunni
Islamic State. Yet again, the same confusing scenario is true for almost every
other Muslim country.
Kadir Akaras, chairman of Ehli Beyt Scholars Association,
which represents Turkish Shiites, was blunt in his criticism of Israel during a
TV program in April. He went on the record asking, “We approach [the disputed]
Karabakh as we approach Palestine and view Armenia as we view Israel. Why
wouldn't the Saudi-led coalition of Muslim countries come to the assistance of
Azerbaijan?”
One of the openly outspoken groups against
Turkish-Israeli rapprochement has been the Kurdish Islamist Party Hudapar.
Hudapar’s spokesperson Sait Sahin was straightforward in his position, saying,
“Turkey's 'zero problems with neighbors' policy collapsed completely. Turkey
strained its relations with Russia and since then has been sending positive
messages toward Israel; hence, we cannot expect Turkey to protest Azerbaijan’s
friendship with Israel,” he told Al-Monitor.
Overall, as Azeri-Israeli strategic cooperation deepens,
we are once more reminded that radical groups in Turkish society are still
taking their cues from the government and are in sync with the state. Hence, it
would be too soon to interpret the results of Kadir Has University's research
as a significant change in anti-Israel sentiment in Turkey. A more sober
analysis would be that even the hatred for Israel can be controlled if it is in
the interest of these groups.
Read more:
http://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2016/05/turkey-pragmatism-triumphs-over-anti-israeli-sentiments.html#ixzz49kPrBJmP

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